Ana María Granados Romero

PhD Student LAILAC

Latinas and domestic labor

The U.S. domestic workforce is predominantly comprised of women, with Latinas being significantly overrepresented in the service industry. According to the National Domestic Workers Alliance, 91.5% of domestic workers in New York City are women, 78% were born outside the U.S., and 38% are Hispanic/Latinx. This demographic overrepresentation suggests that these populations fill positions that are systematically undervalued and underpaid, and indicates entrenched ethnic and gender inequalities in the labor market.

Latinas, in particular, face alarming economic challenges. They experience the highest rates of in-work poverty among major racial and ethnic groups. According to the Latino Data Project, by 2017 the in-work poverty rate for Latinas was 12.2% —about twice as high as the 6.7% rate for Latino men, while for non-Hispanic white men and women, it was 3.0% and 2.6%, respectively. This situation is also shared by Latinas who are not classified as poor, as they also have lower average personal incomes than their female counterparts in other racial and ethnic groups. These data underscore a persistent and widespread economic disparity that undermines Latinas’ employment opportunities, financial situation, and possibilities of socio-economic mobility. Additionally, according to the Economic Policy Institute, domestic workers are three times more likely to live in poverty than other laborers. Latinas in this industry are therefore particularly vulnerable due to a double layer of disadvantage: they face significant ethnic and gender disparities while enduring the poor conditions of the domestic work industry in the United States.

Intertwined with the economic struggles, the situation of domestic workers is exacerbated by an overall lack of legal protection. They are excluded from the National Labor Relations Act, which guarantees the right to organize, form unions, and bargain collectively, and from the Fair Labor Standards Act, which guarantees labor standards and workers’ rights. This exclusion leaves domestic workers without legal means to ensure fair treatment, adequate remuneration, and access to benefits such as health insurance and retirement plans. Furthermore, for undocumented women, these challenges are even more pronounced, as their gender and immigration status not only limit their access to most jobs but also increase their exposure to exploitation and violence.

Waiting for work: day laborers in the corners of New York City

Day labor is a common alternative for immigrant domestic workers. Confronted with limited employment prospects, many immigrants depend on temporary jobs as their primary means of support, especially upon arrival. Such was the case for Irene, a Latin American woman who migrated to the United States seeking better opportunities for herself and her family.

When she arrived in New York City, Irene initially sought work in grocery stores and restaurants, aiming for stable, long-term employment. Despite her persistent efforts, weeks of searching proved fruitless. Eventually, a friend suggested exploring opportunities as a domestic worker in private households. Following this advice and relying upon a friend’s referral, Irene secured her first job cleaning a house for a few hours. As a newcomer, she found that day labor —particularly in cleaning roles— offered the most accessible means of income. For months, Irene relied on referrals to secure enough working hours each week to make ends meet. Despite the precariousness of her situation, Irene acknowledges that she was fortunate to know someone who put her in touch with potential employers, which, however, is not the case for many other immigrants.

In the precarious context of immigrant labor, working conditions vary significantly based on industry sector, gender, ethnicity, immigration status, and access to support networks. These variables determine the socioeconomic positioning of certain jobs. Due to the intersection of several of these variables, immigrant domestic workers who have day labor jobs find themselves at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. Irene’s case highlights some of the prevailing conditions of this occupation, but workers without a network of contacts face even greater risks. Since 1990, when lacking means to find work, dozens of women have been gathering on a Brooklyn Street corner known as La Parada hoping to get employment opportunities.

Although other corners across Brooklyn and Queens have served similar purposes, La Parada is the most well-known and continues to be a gathering place. This location serves as a central point where immigrants wait to be selected by potential employers who pass by in cars looking for someone to clean their houses. According to a journalistic report on La Parada by Univisión, domestic workers are often chosen based on their physical appearance, with minimal verbal interaction. Being selected by an employer could mean either having a client who will hire them multiple times, or just a one-time job. Regardless of the weather or the season, immigrants continue to stand there, as it is often their last resort to make a living, even if they are underpaid, exploited, and hired only for a couple of hours. The typical wage received by workers ranges from 8 to 12 dollars per hour, despite the minimum wage in New York State being 15 dollars an hour. Recently, La Parada has also become a gateway for asylum seekers who have no other options to enter the job market.

The situation at La Parada is particularly severe for women, who face multiple layers of exploitation. In addition to unfair wages and abusive working conditions, many women experience sexual harassment by their employers. This gender-based violence exacerbates their already precarious position in the labor market. The intersection of various factors places these women at a compounded disadvantage: fearful of compromising their unresolved immigration status and driven by the urgent need to work, they often endure and refrain from reporting these abuses.

How employment agencies help workers to climb the ladder

Irene described her initial experiences as a day laborer as distressing. She was unfamiliar with the expected wage, the specific tasks of housekeeping, and how to navigate employer relationships. During this period, she worried about securing enough working hours, understanding how much to charge, meeting cleaning expectations, and communicating with employers despite the language barrier. She emphasized that as a newcomer, she had to navigate this process independently since the domestic workers she knew also lacked adequate knowledge, and her employers never provided guidance. After months of employment uncertainty and financial struggle, Irene’s working conditions improved when, following advice from a friend, she decided to subscribe to an employment agency.

Navigating the complexities of wages, rights, and job responsibilities is a major hurdle for many new workers. Employment agencies act as intermediaries, facilitating contact between potential clients and domestic workers. This support can be crucial for immigrants like Irene, who struggle to enter the job market due to limited understanding of their new occupation, the service industry, and the city.

Employment agencies operate through a system of enrollment fees, commissions, and percentages deducted from workers’ wages. They provide access to various types of work, from housekeeping to caregiving, allowing workers to occupy roles suited to their skills and preferences. While these agencies offer significant advantages, such as job placement and worker protection, there are also risks and costs. Fees and commissions can sometimes be burdensome, and there is potential for exploitation as immigrants remain in a vulnerable position. Nevertheless, for many workers, employment agencies remain a valuable resource in their quest for economic stability and upward mobility, presenting a more favorable alternative compared to waiting for a job at La Parada.

To access the agency’s services, Irene had to pay a $50 affiliation fee. Once in the agency, she had two options: she could either work with multiple clients, in which case she would give 10% of her earnings each time she got a job, or she could be hired as a permanent employee in a household. If she chose the latter, she wouldn’t receive any payment for the first week of the month, and afterward, she had to pay the agency a weekly commission. Despite the expenses involved, Irene found that the agency offered her relative employment stability. It meant she no longer had to find her own clients or rely solely on referrals. Thus, even though she remained a day laborer, the working conditions involved a promotion in the immigrant employment hierarchy.

Immigrants Supporting Immigrants

For Irene, the Latin American community on Staten Island was pivotal in helping her navigate New York City and understand its job market. Though no longer a domestic worker, she takes pride in guiding Latin American immigrants, offering employment advice, helping them make connections, and educating them about their rights. According to her, these community networks were essential for her own socioeconomic mobility, providing job referrals and information about the employment agencies.

Irene’s story underscores the critical role of community support for immigrant workers, not only in securing employment when other aids are unavailable but also in assisting their adjustment to life in a new city and country. Within the immigrant community, there is an underground mobilization of mutual aid that allows newcomers to grasp the hidden employment hierarchies that define their job opportunities. Upon arrival, immigrants often receive crucial community support, meeting basic needs and facilitating rapid job placement. This grassroots network is essential due to the absence of adequate information, immediate economic pressures, and a lack of institutional guidance and protection. The collective resources offered by the community create thus a safety net that helps new immigrants survive and eventually adapt to their new environment.

However, despite this assistance and the potential for upward mobility, immigrant workers continue to face precarious working conditions across all levels of employment hierarchy. As they transition from day labor to more stable positions, they still encounter low wages, job instability, and exploitative practices. The absence of institutional aid compels immigrant workers to heavily rely on community networks, which, though robust, cannot always shield them from systemic issues perpetuating their vulnerability. This situation is aggravated by the fact that many of the jobs occupied by Hispanic immigrants, such as domestic work, have the highest rates of workplace illness and injuries.

In sum, domestic workers face numerous risk factors and disadvantages, yet it remains one of the most common jobs for immigrant women. This situation places them among the most vulnerable populations, whether they are day laborers or permanent employees. Therefore, the efforts of organizations such as the National Domestic Workers Alliance and Liberty Cleaners, which formulate policy solutions while organizing, training, and empowering domestic workers, complement community networks in their attempt to improve their living and working conditions. Such initiatives show that while immigrant women are often segregated into “bad jobs”, no occupation should subject workers to abusive or unfair conditions, and no position in the employment hierarchy should sustain exploitation.